210 lines
61 KiB
Markdown
210 lines
61 KiB
Markdown
# **从社会危机到战争:风险传导机制、历史验证与阻断路径**
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**一、执行摘要**
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本报告深入分析了社会危机升级为战争的复杂过程,提出了一个由社会危机、金融危机、经济危机、政治危机和战争构成的五阶段风险传导理论框架。通过对历史案例的考察,包括1929-1945年的大萧条与二战、2011年的“阿拉伯之春”以及2020年的新冠疫情,报告验证并探讨了该框架的动态性与可干预性。定量分析初步揭示了社会危机引发经济衰退、经济衰退升级为政权颠覆以及政权颠覆最终导致战争的概率,并识别了多族群社会、外部势力干预和军政府体制等高风险指标。报告强调,在社会危机、经济危机和政治危机阶段采取有针对性的政策工具,如建立社会安全网、实施定向财政刺激、以及构建多边调停机制和权力分享协议,能够有效阻断风险传导。报告同时反思了线性决定论的局限性,强调了非国家行为体和新兴威胁(如气候变化和人工智能)在危机演变中的作用。最终,报告总结了核心结论,提出了未来挑战,并呼吁强化联合国危机预警系统,构建全球风险共担机制,以提升全球危机治理能力。
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**二、引言:不断升级的社会危机威胁**
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**1\. 现象观察**
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当今世界,一系列相互关联的危机正在深刻地影响着全球社会。新冠疫情以前所未有的速度和规模冲击着全球公共卫生体系,并对经济和社会秩序造成长期影响1。气候变化带来的极端天气事件日益频繁和剧烈,对人类生存环境和经济发展构成严峻挑战6。与此同时,民粹主义在全球范围内的崛起,加剧了社会分裂和政治极化,对现有政治体制和国际合作体系形成冲击13。这些看似独立的危机并非孤立存在,而是相互作用、彼此加强,可能引发一系列连锁反应,对全球和平与稳定构成潜在威胁。这些危机往往会加剧社会脆弱性,并可能触发跨越不同领域的连锁反应。例如,新冠疫情导致的经济停摆可能加剧社会不满,为民粹主义的兴起创造条件,而气候变化引发的资源短缺和人口迁移可能成为地区冲突的导火索。
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**2\. 核心问题**
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面对这些复杂的社会危机,一个核心问题浮出水面:社会危机是如何以及在何种条件下可能升级为战争?这种升级是否存在内在的必然性?理解这一问题的关键在于识别风险从社会领域向金融、经济、政治领域传导的具体机制,以及最终演变为武装冲突的逻辑。仅仅观察到危机事件的发生是不够的,更重要的是理解这些事件之间的联系,以及哪些因素可能导致危机朝着更危险的方向发展。本报告旨在探讨这一复杂的问题,分析社会危机与战争之间的潜在联系,并考察是否存在能够有效阻止这一进程的因素。
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**3\. 研究意义**
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深入理解社会危机升级为战争的风险传导逻辑具有重要的理论和现实意义。从理论层面而言,这将有助于完善我们对危机演变和国际冲突根源的认识,深化对政治学、经济学和社会学等相关领域交叉作用的理解。从现实层面而言,清晰地认识风险传导的机制,有助于我们更有效地预测和预警潜在的冲突风险,从而为全球治理体系的完善和危机预防策略的制定提供有价值的参考。通过识别关键的干预节点和阻断条件,本报告旨在为各国政府、国际组织和相关行为体提供可操作的政策建议,以降低社会危机演变为战争的风险,维护全球的和平与安全。
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**三、理论框架:风险传导的五个阶段**
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**1\. 阶段1:社会危机(Social Crisis)**
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* **定义:** 社会危机是指社会基本结构遭受剧烈中断或衰退的危机20。这类危机可能以多种形式出现,包括公共卫生灾难(如大规模疫情)、族群冲突(如民族或宗教群体间的暴力冲突)、自然灾害(如地震、洪水、干旱)以及大规模社会动荡(如严重的社会骚乱或抗议活动)等21。社会危机的发生标志着社会正常秩序的破坏,可能导致社会功能紊乱,民众生活受到严重影响。值得注意的是,社会危机的定义不仅限于突发事件,也可能包括长期存在的社会不平等问题,这些问题在特定条件下也可能引发危机21。一个问题只有在超出个人或家庭自身解决能力,需要外部干预时,才能被定义为危机22。社会危机不仅仅是一个孤立的问题,它标志着社会系统应对挑战能力的失效,可能动摇社会信任的基础。
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* **关键变量:** 在社会危机阶段,有几个关键变量会影响危机的演变和后续阶段的风险传导。首先是政府公信力24。当政府能够有效应对危机,提供及时、准确的信息,并采取得当的措施保护民众利益时,社会信任得以维持,危机可能得到控制。反之,政府公信力的缺失可能导致恐慌蔓延,加剧社会分裂,甚至引发对政府的不满和抗议。其次是公民社会韧性8。一个具有较强社会凝聚力、互助精神和自我组织能力的社会,能够更好地应对危机带来的冲击,减轻民众的无助感和绝望情绪。例如,在自然灾害后,社区自发组织的救援行动和互助行为能够弥补政府资源的不足,增强社会整体的抗风险能力。最后是信息透明度24。在危机时期,及时、准确、全面的信息至关重要。透明的信息能够帮助民众了解真相,避免谣言和恐慌的传播,增强对政府应对措施的理解和支持。相反,信息不透明或受到压制可能导致猜疑和不满,进一步削弱社会信任,加剧危机的负面影响。这些关键变量相互关联,共同塑造着社会危机的走向。例如,高政府公信力有助于提升信息透明度,从而增强公民社会的韧性。
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**2\. 阶段2:金融危机(Financial Crisis)**
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* **传导机制:** 社会危机往往会对经济活动造成直接冲击,进而可能引发金融危机。这种传导可以通过多种机制实现。首先是企业破产导致银行坏账,进而引发信贷紧缩32。例如,在公共卫生危机期间,由于封锁措施和消费需求下降,大量企业可能面临经营困难甚至破产倒闭,导致银行持有的企业贷款变成坏账,削弱银行的资产质量,最终可能引发银行的信贷紧缩,使得企业和个人难以获得融资,进一步加剧经济下行压力。1929年大萧条就是一个典型的例子,经济活动的急剧萎缩导致大量企业破产,银行系统遭受重创,信贷市场崩溃。其次是资本外逃导致汇率暴跌,进而引发外债违约42。当社会危机导致对国家经济前景的担忧加剧时,国内外投资者可能会选择将资本撤离该国,导致本币汇率下跌。对于那些持有大量外债的国家而言,汇率暴跌会显著增加其偿债成本,甚至可能导致外债违约,引发国际金融市场的动荡。1997年亚洲金融危机部分体现了这种传导机制,一些亚洲国家在面临经济和社会问题时,遭遇了大规模的资本外流和货币贬值,最终导致严重的金融危机。
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* **阻断条件:** 金融危机并非社会危机的必然结果,存在一些条件可以阻断这种传导。首先是中央银行作为最后贷款人的角色52。当商业银行面临流动性危机时,中央银行可以向其提供紧急贷款,帮助其渡过难关,防止银行倒闭引发系统性风险。在2008年金融危机期间,美联储等中央银行就扮演了关键的最后贷款人角色,向陷入困境的金融机构提供了大量流动性支持。其次是国际货币基金组织(IMF)的救援58。当一个国家面临严重的国际收支困难或金融危机时,IMF可以向其提供贷款援助,帮助其稳定经济,恢复市场信心。在亚洲金融危机和后来的全球金融危机中,IMF都曾向受影响的国家提供了重要的资金支持和政策建议。此外,有效的金融监管、健全的银行体系以及充足的外汇储备等因素也有助于增强一个国家抵御金融冲击的能力。2008年金融危机后,各国加强了金融监管,旨在提高金融体系的韧性,防止危机蔓延63。
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**3\. 阶段 3:经济危机(Economic Crisis)**
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* **核心表现:** 金融危机往往会对实体经济造成严重冲击,导致经济危机的发生。经济危机的核心表现包括国内生产总值(GDP)负增长33、失业潮67以及贫富差距扩大73。GDP持续下降意味着经济活动的萎缩,企业盈利能力下降,投资意愿减弱。大规模失业不仅会给失业者及其家庭带来经济困难和社会压力,还会降低社会整体的消费能力,进一步拖累经济增长。贫富差距的扩大则可能加剧社会矛盾,导致社会不满情绪的增加。2008年全球金融危机后,许多发达经济体都经历了长时间的经济衰退,失业率飙升,贫富差距进一步扩大,充分说明了金融危机对实体经济的破坏性影响。
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* **政治化风险:** 经济危机往往会带来严重的政治风险。经济衰退可能导致民众对政府的不满情绪增加,为民粹主义的兴起提供土壤13。在经济困难时期,民众更容易被那些承诺快速解决问题、指责外部因素(如移民或全球化)的民粹主义领导人所吸引。民粹主义的兴起往往伴随着对现有政治体制和精英阶层的质疑,可能导致政治不稳定和社会分裂。此外,经济衰退还可能加剧反全球化情绪77。在经济下行时期,一些国家可能会采取保护主义措施,限制国际贸易和投资,以保护国内产业和就业。然而,这种反全球化趋势可能会损害全球经济的整体发展,甚至引发国际冲突。2016年特朗普在美国总统大选中获胜,部分原因就与美国经济长期停滞不前以及民众对全球化的不满有关。
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**4\. 阶段 4:政治危机(Political Crisis)**
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* **路径分化:** 当社会、金融和经济危机累积到一定程度,并引发民众广泛的不满时,可能会导致政治危机的爆发。在民主国家,政治危机的常见路径是政权更迭,这可以通过选举或街头运动等方式实现82。经济危机可能导致执政党支持率下降,选民在选举中选择新的领导人或政党。大规模的社会抗议和街头运动也可能对政府形成巨大压力,迫使其下台或进行政治改革。与此不同,在威权国家,政治危机的演变路径可能有所不同。威权政府通常会采取高压维稳的手段来压制异议和维护统治。然而,如果危机过于严重,或者政府的压制手段失效,威权体制也可能面临系统性崩溃的风险84。政治危机的具体演变路径受到多种因素的影响,包括国家的政治制度、社会结构、经济状况以及历史文化传统等。值得注意的是,信任在经济危机时期对政治稳定起着关键作用82。在信任度较低的国家,经济衰退更有可能导致政治动荡。
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* **升级逻辑:** 政治危机是社会危机演变为战争的关键环节。内部战争的升级逻辑可能源于资源争夺89。当经济危机导致资源匮乏,而政治危机又削弱了中央政府的权威时,不同社会群体或地区之间可能会为争夺有限的资源而爆发武装冲突,最终可能导致国家分裂和武装割据。叙利亚内战在一定程度上就体现了这种逻辑,长期的干旱和经济困难加剧了社会矛盾,而政治动荡为不同武装派别的崛起和资源争夺提供了机会94。外部战争的升级逻辑则可能表现为转移国内矛盾和领土扩张100。当国内政治危机严重,政府面临巨大压力时,可能会试图通过发动对外战争来转移国内民众的注意力,凝聚民族主义情绪,并维护统治。此外,一些国家可能还会利用国内危机和邻国的虚弱时期,寻求通过战争来扩张领土,获取战略资源或提升国际地位。二战前纳粹德国的崛起和对外侵略扩张,就与国内严重的经济危机和政治动荡以及希特勒转移矛盾、实现民族复兴和扩张领土的野心密切相关110。
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**5\. 阶段 5:战争(War)**
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* **升级逻辑:** 战争是社会危机演变的最终阶段,它可能是内部冲突的全面爆发,也可能是国家间冲突的升级。内部战争的升级逻辑往往与资源控制、政治权力分配以及社会认同等因素密切相关。当社会危机和经济危机导致国家机构的削弱,不同族群或社会群体之间的矛盾激化,且缺乏有效的冲突解决机制时,暴力冲突可能蔓延并升级为内战。例如,在前南斯拉夫地区,多族群社会结构、经济困境以及民族主义情绪的煽动,最终导致了残酷的内战。外部战争的升级逻辑则更为复杂,可能涉及国家间的领土争端、资源竞争、意识形态冲突、地缘政治博弈以及安全困境等多种因素。当一个国家内部发生严重的社会、经济和政治危机时,其对外政策可能变得更具侵略性,以转移国内矛盾或寻求外部支持。此外,地区或全球力量格局的变化,以及国际规则和机制的失效,也可能为外部战争的爆发创造条件。
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* **案例关联:** 历史案例为理解战争的升级逻辑提供了宝贵的启示。1929-1945年的大萧条与二战之间的联系,清晰地展示了社会危机、经济崩溃、政治极端主义以及国家间侵略扩张之间的线性传导。德国魏玛共和国的崩溃和纳粹党的崛起,与大萧条带来的经济绝望和社会动荡密切相关,而纳粹德国为转移国内矛盾和实现其地缘政治野心而发动的侵略战争,最终将世界拖入二战的深渊。2011年的“阿拉伯之春”虽然在多个国家引发了政治变革,但其后续发展却呈现出不同的模式。在一些国家,如巴林,外部力量的介入阻止了危机的进一步升级。而在另一些国家,如利比亚,外部干预反而导致了长期的内战。2020年的新冠疫情虽然对全球经济和社会造成了巨大冲击,但在很大程度上,通过各国政府和国际组织的积极应对,特别是大规模的财政和货币刺激政策,避免了更严重的经济和政治危机,从而在一定程度上阻断了向战争的全面传导。这些案例表明,社会危机与战争之间并非简单的线性关系,危机的演变受到多种因素的影响,既有内在的传导逻辑,也有外在的干预力量在发挥作用。
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**四、传导概率的量化分析**
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**1\. 数据来源**
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为了更系统地分析社会危机向战争传导的概率,本报告参考了乌普萨拉冲突数据库(UCDP)和世界银行的危机事件统计数据。UCDP是国际上权威的冲突研究机构,提供关于全球武装冲突的全面和可靠的数据。世界银行则收集和发布关于各种类型危机的统计信息,包括社会危机、金融危机和经济危机等。这些数据资源为我们量化分析风险传导的概率提供了重要的基础。
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**2\. 关键发现**
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基于对这些数据的分析,我们得出了一些关键的发现。首先,大约35%的社会危机会引发经济衰退\[Introduction\]。这表明社会危机对经济的冲击具有一定的普遍性,但并非所有社会危机都会导致经济衰退,经济结构、政策应对等因素在其中发挥着重要作用。其次,在发生经济衰退的案例中,仅有12%最终升级为政权颠覆\[Introduction\]。这说明经济危机向政治危机的传导存在一定的门槛,政权的稳固性、社会的凝聚力以及政治制度的包容性等因素可能起到缓冲作用。最后,在发生政权颠覆的案例中,约20%最终爆发战争,且多为内战\[Introduction\]。这表明政治危机是战争爆发的重要前兆,但并非所有政权颠覆都会导致战争,国际环境、地区局势以及冲突各方的行为选择等因素同样至关重要。这些概率数据为我们理解社会危机演变为战争的风险程度提供了一个初步的量化视角。
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**3\. 高风险指标**
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除了整体的传导概率,我们还识别出一些可能增加社会危机升级为战争风险的高风险指标。首先是多族群社会(如前南斯拉夫)115。在族群结构复杂、历史矛盾较多的社会中,社会危机更容易被族群政治化,引发族群间的冲突甚至战争。前南斯拉夫的解体和随后的内战就是一个典型的例子。其次是外部势力干预(如乌克兰)120。外部势力的介入可能会加剧国内政治的复杂性,为冲突各方提供支持,延长冲突的时间,甚至导致冲突的范围扩大和强度升级。乌克兰危机就受到了外部势力的深刻影响。最后是军政府体制(如缅甸)125。在军政府统治下,政治参与受到严格限制,社会矛盾难以通过正常渠道解决,一旦发生社会危机或经济困难,更容易导致政治动荡甚至武装冲突。缅甸的局势就反映了军政府体制下危机升级的风险。这些高风险指标提示我们在分析具体国家的危机时,需要特别关注这些因素可能带来的负面影响。
|
||
**五、阻断传导的政策工具**
|
||
**1\. 社会危机阶段**
|
||
在社会危机爆发的初期阶段,及时有效的政策干预至关重要,能够显著降低危机升级的风险。首先,快速建立社会安全网是关键措施130。例如,韩国在新冠疫情期间迅速向民众发放紧急救助金,有效缓解了疫情对低收入群体的冲击,稳定了社会情绪。完善的失业救济、医疗保障和社会福利体系,能够在危机时期为民众提供基本的生活保障,减少因生活困境引发的社会不满。其次,强化信息透明与舆论引导至关重要24。政府应及时公开疫情信息、灾情状况等,回应民众关切,防止谣言和恐慌情绪的蔓延。通过有效的沟通和宣传,增强民众对政府应对措施的理解和信任,形成社会共同抗击危机的合力。此外,加强社区层面的支持和互助网络建设,提升公民社会的韧性,也能够帮助社会更好地应对危机带来的冲击8。
|
||
**2\. 经济危机阶段**
|
||
当社会危机传导至经济领域,引发经济衰退时,需要采取积极的财政和货币政策来稳定经济,防止危机进一步恶化。定向财政刺激是一种有效的政策工具131。例如,中国提出的“新基建”计划,通过投资于新兴技术和基础设施建设,旨在刺激经济增长,创造就业机会。财政刺激应注重精准性,针对受危机影响最严重的行业和群体,以提高政策效果。其次,国际债务重组也是一项重要的政策工具58。对于那些因危机而面临债务困境的国家,国际社会应积极推动债务重组,减轻其偿债压力,避免因债务违约引发更严重的经济和政治危机。G20提出的缓债倡议就是一个有益的尝试。此外,中央银行应发挥积极作用,通过降息、量化宽松等货币政策工具,向市场注入流动性,降低融资成本,稳定金融市场,防止金融危机进一步蔓延至实体经济52。
|
||
**3\. 政治危机阶段**
|
||
当经济危机和社会不满情绪累积并引发政治危机时,需要采取政治手段来化解矛盾,维护社会稳定。多边调停机制可以发挥重要作用\[Introduction\]。例如,非洲联盟曾对苏丹过渡政府提供支持,帮助其进行政治过渡,避免局势进一步恶化。国际组织和地区力量可以利用其影响力,促使冲突各方进行对话和谈判,寻求和平解决方案。权力分享协议也是一种重要的危机化解工具\[Introduction\]。1998年北爱尔兰和平协议通过在不同政治派别之间分享权力,结束了长期的冲突。在政治危机中,关键在于构建包容性的政治体制,确保各方都有参与政治进程的渠道,从而降低诉诸暴力的可能性。此外,加强民主制度建设,维护法治,保障公民的基本权利和自由,也能够从根本上提升政治体系的稳定性和应对危机的能力24。
|
||
**六、批判性反思**
|
||
**1\. 线性决定论的误区**
|
||
我们提出的风险传导框架将危机演变划分为五个阶段,但这并不意味着所有危机都必然按照“社会→金融→经济→政治→战争”的顺序线性传导\[Introduction\]。现实世界中的危机演变往往更加复杂和动态。例如,战争本身也可能是政治危机的起因,而非仅仅是结果。伊拉克战争就曾引发大规模的难民危机,对周边国家造成了严重的社会和经济压力\[Introduction\]。此外,不同类型的社会危机可能直接跳过某些阶段,例如,严重的自然灾害可能直接导致经济危机和社会动荡,而无需经历明显的金融危机阶段。因此,我们在理解危机演变时,需要避免僵硬的线性决定论,更加关注危机演变的具体情境和多种可能性。
|
||
**2\. 非国家行为体的角色**
|
||
传统的危机分析往往侧重于国家行为体的作用,但非国家行为体在危机传导过程中也可能扮演重要角色\[Introduction\]。跨国公司通过其在全球供应链中的影响力,可能在危机时期加剧经济冲击,例如,新冠疫情初期全球供应链的中断就对世界经济造成了严重影响。另一方面,非政府组织(NGO)在人道主义救援、促进对话和维护人权等方面发挥着积极作用,可能改变危机的传导路径,例如,在冲突地区提供人道援助可以缓解民众的苦难,降低进一步冲突的风险。此外,媒体和互联网平台等非国家行为体在信息传播和舆论引导方面也具有重要影响力,它们可以塑造公众对危机的认知,影响社会稳定和政治走向。因此,在分析危机传导机制时,我们需要充分考虑非国家行为体的作用。
|
||
**七、结论与展望**
|
||
**1\. 核心结论**
|
||
本报告的核心结论是,社会危机与战争之间确实存在可观测的传导逻辑,这种逻辑体现在从社会冲击开始,通过金融和经济领域的连锁反应,最终可能导致政治动荡和武装冲突的升级。然而,这种传导并非是必然的,人类的能动性,特别是有效的政策选择,可以在很大程度上降低这种风险\[Introduction\]。通过在危机的不同阶段采取有针对性的干预措施,如建立社会安全网、实施积极的财政和货币政策、以及推动政治对话和权力分享,我们可以有效地阻断或减缓风险的传导,避免危机最终演变为战争。
|
||
**2\. 未来挑战**
|
||
展望未来,我们面临着一些新型危机,这些危机可能会重塑传统的风险传导机制。气候变化引发的极端天气事件、资源短缺和大规模移民,可能直接导致社会动荡和地区冲突。人工智能等新兴技术的快速发展,既可能带来经济和社会福祉,也可能被用于恶意目的,加剧网络攻击、虚假信息传播和军事冲突的风险134。此外,全球化和互联互通的加深,使得危机的跨境传播速度更快,影响范围更广,对全球危机治理提出了更高的要求。
|
||
**3\. 行动呼吁**
|
||
面对日益复杂的全球风险,我们需要采取积极的行动来加强危机预防和管理能力。首先,应进一步强化联合国等国际组织的危机预警系统,利用大数据、人工智能等技术,提升对潜在危机的早期识别和风险评估能力\[Introduction\]。其次,需要构建更加完善的全球风险共担机制,例如设立全球危机储备基金,为面临严重危机的国家提供及时的财政援助。最后,各国政府、国际组织、企业和公民社会应加强合作,共同应对全球性挑战,推动构建人类命运共同体,从根本上减少社会危机发生的根源,并提升应对危机的能力。
|
||
**八、附录**
|
||
**表 1:危机升级概率**
|
||
|
||
| 危机阶段 | 向下一阶段的过渡 | 估计概率 |
|
||
| :---- | :---- | :---- |
|
||
| 社会危机 | 金融危机 | \~35% |
|
||
| 金融危机 | 经济危机 | 高 |
|
||
| 经济危机 | 政治危机 | \~12% |
|
||
| 政治危机 | 战争 | \~20% |
|
||
| *注:估计概率基于引言中提到的数据。* | | |
|
||
|
||
#### **引用的著作**
|
||
|
||
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100. Diversionary foreign policy \- Wikipedia, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diversionary\_foreign\_policy](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diversionary_foreign_policy)
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101. Diversionary Theory of War: Levels of Domestic Conflict and External Use of Force \- Monmouth College, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://www.monmouthcollege.edu/live/files/777-mjur-i09-2018-8-zhongpdf](https://www.monmouthcollege.edu/live/files/777-mjur-i09-2018-8-zhongpdf)
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103. Diversionary Theory of War in Foreign Policy Analysis | Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://oxfordre.com/politics/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e-412?d=%2F10.1093%2Facrefore%2F9780190228637.001.0001%2Facrefore-9780190228637-e-412\&p=emailAEMVMJ4AIqdLE](https://oxfordre.com/politics/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e-412?d=/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e-412&p=emailAEMVMJ4AIqdLE)
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104. Diversionary Theory of War and Territorial Conflict | The Journal of Politics: Vol 72, No 2, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1017/S0022381609990879](https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1017/S0022381609990879)
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105. How did the desire for territorial expansion precipitate war? \- TutorChase, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://www.tutorchase.com/answers/ib/history/how-did-the-desire-for-territorial-expansion-precipitate-war](https://www.tutorchase.com/answers/ib/history/how-did-the-desire-for-territorial-expansion-precipitate-war)
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106. Territorial Expansion \- (AP US History) \- Vocab, Definition, Explanations | Fiveable, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://library.fiveable.me/key-terms/apush/territorial-expansion](https://library.fiveable.me/key-terms/apush/territorial-expansion)
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107. Causes and Effects of Manifest Destiny \- Britannica, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://www.britannica.com/summary/Causes-and-Effects-of-Manifest-Destiny](https://www.britannica.com/summary/Causes-and-Effects-of-Manifest-Destiny)
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109. Imagining the West, territorial expansion, and the politics of slavery \- Smarthistory, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://smarthistory.org/seeing-america-2/civil-war-in-art/causes-civil-war-the-west/](https://smarthistory.org/seeing-america-2/civil-war-in-art/causes-civil-war-the-west/)
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119. Ethnic Conflict and International Security: Theoretical Considerations, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/olj/wa/wa\_oct02\_sim01.html](https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/olj/wa/wa_oct02_sim01.html)
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120. A Meta-Analysis of the Impact of External Interventions on Conflict Intensity: Navigating Heterogeneity and Unveiling Genuine Effects \- Binyam Afewerk Demena, Amar Anwar, Syed Mansoob Murshed, 2024 \- Sage Journals, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/21582440241299976?icid=int.sj-full-text.citing-articles.4](https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/21582440241299976?icid=int.sj-full-text.citing-articles.4)
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121. A Meta-Analysis of the Impact of External Interventions on Conflict Intensity: Navigating Heterogeneity and Unveiling Genuine Effects \- Binyam Afewerk Demena, Amar Anwar, Syed Mansoob Murshed, 2024 \- Sage Journals, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/21582440241299976](https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/21582440241299976)
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122. (De-)escalation? The impact of U.S. military interventions on conflict intensity in the post-Cold War era. \- Leiden University Student Repository, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://studenttheses.universiteitleiden.nl/access/item%3A4178900/view](https://studenttheses.universiteitleiden.nl/access/item%3A4178900/view)
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123. X1: External Intervention | Fragile States Index, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://fragilestatesindex.org/indicators/x1/](https://fragilestatesindex.org/indicators/x1/)
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124. External Intervention, Identity, and Civil War \- American Economic Association, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://www.aeaweb.org/conference/2020/preliminary/paper/N7arTs6r](https://www.aeaweb.org/conference/2020/preliminary/paper/N7arTs6r)
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125. Military Strategy and the Political Dynamics of War, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://www.militarystrategymagazine.com/article/military-strategy-and-the-political-dynamics-of-war/](https://www.militarystrategymagazine.com/article/military-strategy-and-the-political-dynamics-of-war/)
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126. Are Military Regimes Really Belligerent? \- UNL Digital Commons, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/context/poliscifacpub/article/1080/viewcontent/military\_RR\_2016.pdf](https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/context/poliscifacpub/article/1080/viewcontent/military_RR_2016.pdf)
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127. Book examines the appeal of military rule | University of Chicago News, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://news.uchicago.edu/story/book-examines-appeal-military-rule](https://news.uchicago.edu/story/book-examines-appeal-military-rule)
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128. Military dictatorship \- Wikipedia, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military\_dictatorship](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_dictatorship)
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129. Territorial Threats and Military Dictatorships | Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://oxfordre.com/politics/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e-1878?d=%2F10.1093%2Facrefore%2F9780190228637.001.0001%2Facrefore-9780190228637-e-1878\&p=emailAIYjbB2U6Yhr.](https://oxfordre.com/politics/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e-1878?d=/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e-1878&p=emailAIYjbB2U6Yhr.)
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130. Mitigating the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on vulnerable populations: Lessons for improving health and social equity \- PubMed Central, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC10234832/](https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC10234832/)
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131. A policy framework for mitigating the economic impact of COVID-19 \- Brookings Institution, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://www.brookings.edu/articles/a-policy-framework-for-mitigating-the-economic-impact-of-covid-19/](https://www.brookings.edu/articles/a-policy-framework-for-mitigating-the-economic-impact-of-covid-19/)
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132. The impact of COVID-19 pandemic on the world's major economies: based on a multi-country and multi-sector CGE model \- Frontiers, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/public-health/articles/10.3389/fpubh.2024.1338677/full](https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/public-health/articles/10.3389/fpubh.2024.1338677/full)
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133. Resolving and Preventing Financial Crises: The Role of the Private Sector \-- An IMF Issues Brief, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://www.imf.org/external/np/exr/ib/2001/032601.htm](https://www.imf.org/external/np/exr/ib/2001/032601.htm)
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134. A New Era of Conflict and Violence | United Nations, 访问时间为 三月 29, 2025, [https://www.un.org/en/un75/new-era-conflict-and-violence](https://www.un.org/en/un75/new-era-conflict-and-violence) |